a Jewish State. The length of time was not counted by centuries, or decades, but by years. Since charter-diplomacy could not at once fulfill its object one of two things must necessarily happen: the transfer of the idea into space, i. e., territorialism, which looks for a charter anywhere, be it Palestine, Cuba, Canada, (Jueensland, Uganda, anywhere, but at once; or, the transfer of charterism to time, i. e., seimism, which, strongly adhering to charterism, transfers the time of its realization to a remnte fııtmre.
What is to be learned from non-Jewish life? Considering the politics of the present, which will last yet for a long time, we must conclude that the most successful negotiations with the Great Powers with the object of securing of a guaranteed charter not only bring us nearer to our aim, but undoubtedly put off to a remoter future the time of realization of Zionism, than a systematic activity, based on concessions obtained directly from Turkey. The Macedonians and Armenians should serve us as an object lesson. A series of symptoms indicate to us that Turkey must take a pro gressive course, and the chances of Europe to interfere into the affairs of Turkey will become less and less. Or is it best, that we wait until the future United States of Europe will give us Palestine?
I am most deeply convinced that we should once for all give up the very beautiful but impractical plan of obtaining a charter, guaranteed by the European Powers. All that we will obtain from Turkey, regardless of their values, will only be concessions and not a charter, i. e., it will be something which will not be guaranteed by international rights.
What concerns the fairness of England, on which our Territorialists mostly rely, we can point out not only Transvaal, but a still nearer colony—the island of Malta, where during the ministry of Chamberlain the Italian population was restrained in the manifestations of national culture, for instance, liberty of language.
Zionism must take into consideration an evolutionary progress and once for all cease the charter diplomacy. To avoid misunderstandings, I must add, that it is not my intention to attack diplomacy in general and advocate instead a great philanthropic system. In this re-
gard I entirely share the views of our great leader, Herzi, which he expressed in one of his letters to me. “But the people,” he wrote, “who protest against the so-called diplomatic Zionism, are simply stupid. Anyone who wishes to undertake an enterprise in a foreign country, will first of all adopt diplomatic measures, no matter whoever or whatever it be. In fact, it is known to us, that even those who possess a most powerful army, continuously work along a diplomatic course” We agree with these views and do not in the least object to the Zionist diplomacy in general, but we are against the inference, that the only and special object of diplomacy is to obtain a charter guaranteed by the large Powers. The Zionist diplomacy must concentrate all its energy on one object—to secure concessions in Palestine and nearby lands. The centre of our diplomacy, its main fulcrum, must be chiefly in Constantinople. Of course, it may happen that the nearest course from Basel to Constantinople may pass through London, Petersburg, Paris, etc. That depends on the circumstances of the existing international relations, and the condition of the Jews in ane or the other country. But this question is of a secondary importance, the main thing is in Constantinople. I go still further—the object of our work in Constantinople must not be a “charter,” but concessions, no matter of what nature they be, as long as they will enable the Jewish masses to create for themselves cultural and economical values in Palestine.e No offer of Turkey should be refused, if it be of an economical advantage. I will even take the privilege of expressing the following heretical thought: If the concession would give us only the right to colonize in Palestine thousands of Jews, who could live a normal, economical and spiritual life, I am positive, that our people, not only under the pressure of the pogroms, but in general, would gladly accept such concessions, and if it need be, become Turkish subjects, and exist under its jurisdietion, provided they could enjoy a communal self-government, as generally other communities of Turkey do.