The Maccabaean

THE Zionist movement of to-day is confronted by a problem of vast importance. The solution of this problem, as has rightly been stated by Zionists of authority, is the most vital "order of the day," our "real work" in Palestine. It is the question of Jewish labor.

In the last issue of the official organ of the Palestine Commission, edited by Prof. Otto Warburg, there is an article devoted to the "National Labor Question in Palestine." The problem is stated there as follows:

"It might seem strange to those unfamiliar with the subject to talk about a labor-question in Palestine where so much cheap labor is in existence. Indeed, there is no labor question there at all, but a national labor problem, for it is, to be sure, not a matter of indifference to us whether the workingmen are Arabs or Jew."

In proportion as the sentiment in favor of practical work in Palestine has grown among Zionists; in proportion as the Jewish immigration into Palestine has increased and the scientific investigations of the Palestine Commission have pointed out the field of reliable work in the land of our future,—the question of how to ensure the existence of a Jewish labor class in our ancient Fatherland has gained in strength. And now the problem rises before the Zionist movement in its full and irritating significance.

It is a matter of general knowledge that the existence of a large foreign element within the limits of a nation is a continual menace to its life. No nation can develop independently unless it is based upon the unshakable foundation of a labor class of its own. Zionism, which strives to re-establish the Jewish state in Palestine must, therefore, give particular attention to the national labor question.

Besides this, Zionism, as a national move-

ment, must bestow the advantages of its realization upon every class of our people. Hence, the, so to say, moral duty of Zionism to promote the interests of our workingmen, of the Jewish proletariat.

The aim of the author of this article is to throw some light on this important question. It seems to me that the Zionists who have given utterance to their views on this particular subject have not adopted the right policy. However, the question is too vast to be embraced and fully analyzed in one article, and I propose to divide the problem into two different parts, each of which can be considered as a whole in itself. I shall take up at present the first part, which deals with the principles and methods of the Zionist movement conceived as a systematic factor in the process of the realization of Zionism. The second branch of the question, which deals with the social conditions of Palestine life that escape our control, but at the same time have a wide and deep influence upon the labor problem, will be considered later.

Since Ussischkin in his well-known brochure, "Our Program," published a few years ago, advocated the ultimate necessity of some kind of a sacred national army composed of fervent Zionists, each of whom should take a solemn oath to devote three years, at least, of his life to the accomplishment of our national freedom on the Palestinian soil —almost no Zionist of literary inclination has failed to acquaint the world with his views or beliefs on the subject in question. And, as far as I know, all of them agree with each other upon one point: That the Zionist workingman must sacrifice for a long time all his aspirations for a better, more comfortable life, and reduce to a certain degree his standard of living in order to permit