\\ [HY may we not organize an Industrial Army for service in Palestine behind the British lines, for the purpose of reconstructing the war-ridden districts of Judaea? We have already made a beginning by despatching a medical unit to Palestine—recruited by the Zionist Organization, from among American citizens. We have been prepared, therefore, to take a momentous step—the recruiting of a pioneer industrial armv for Palestine.
This is not the time to formulate the details of such an organization. It will suffice, for the present, to confine ourselves to the main outlines. Let the Zionist organization of America issue a call for volunteers from among those Jews who are not subject to the conscription act. Let us ask for the enlistment, for a period of two years, of soldier-workers in an industrial army for Palestine. Let us select an American Palestine commission (consisting of seven or nine members) who will serve as the Executive Committee for this army—as the “general staff,” who will select the subordinate captains. lieutenants. etc.
While the organization and the method of activity would be in accordance with military discipline, the subject would and the plan of work would be industrial. This army would be utilized to rebuild the devastated portions of Gaza and other cities, to plant trees for the reforestation of Palestine, to construct roads, and, most important of all, to undertake systematic agricultural activity with a view of raising a large food supply for the members of the industrial army as well as for the other inhabitants of Palestine. It is obvious that for such work women will be as valuable as men, and our industrial army would, therefore, admit men and women (between the ages of 18 and 40) who shall have passed the necessary physical test.
We might send the advance guard of this army when our volunteers shall number at least 500, and we shall continue to increase this force from time to time as occasion requires. We shall not place any restriction upon the kinds of work in which our army will engage, for that must be determined directly by its “general staff.” The army, however, should work only upon lands belonging to, or purchased by, the Jewish National Fund and the Zion Commonwealth. (It will be necessary, as part of this plan, to undertake a large campaign for land purchase, through the Zion Commonwealth, as the representative of the Zionist Organization of America.)
The Zionist Organization of America should guarantee to each soldier in this pioneer industrial army the necessary food and shelter during the period of his enlistment and a small minimum wage, with the understanding, however, that he would participate in the future profits that the industrial army might secure. Furthermore, this industrial army, while it might begin its work as a temporary expedient incidental to the Great War, ought to survive as a permanent feature in the future Jewish state. All those, of course, who might desire to withdraw at the end of the term of their enlistment would be free to do so, but for those who should desire to continue their association, the term of enlistment would be regarded merely as preparatory work, and full voting rights with participation in profits should be offered
An Interesting Proposal By BERNARD A. ROSENBLATT
to those who determine to remain indefinitely as members of the Industrial Army.
EES All the lands of those members of the Zion Commonwealth who will not personally occupy their estates will be devoted to the purposes of the Jewish Industrial Army. The Zion Commonwealth would first obtain possession of such lands under long-term leases (let us say, fifty years) with the consent of its individual members, with the option to purchase such lands, at fixed prices,.on the expiration of such leases. All such lands would then be turned over for occupation and development by the Jewish Industrial Army. Under the guidance of competent agriculturalists and efficient administrators, who will serve as the captains and generals of this army, all the resources, energy and ability of its members would be utilized to procure sufficient income, in the first instance, for the support of the men, women and children of the Jewish Industria] Army. All the annual surplus profits—after a reasonable percentage will have been set aside for a replacement fund and as an accumulated reserve—would be divided into two shares: (1) one-third would constitute the rent paid by the Jewish Industrial Army to the Zion Commonwealth and the Jewish National Fund, for the use of the lands: (2) two-thirds would be divided among the members of the Jewish Industrial Army under a profit sharing scheme, which would offer appropriate rewards for good and faithful service and larger compensation for officers and adminstrative leaders.
In short, a Jewish Industrial Army will afford us the opportunity for developing in Palestine a valuable co-operative institution based upon Jewish labor. On the one hand, it will safeguard the principle of a “Jewish Palestine,” by assuring a large Jewish labor supply in the land of Israel. On the other hand, it will prove to be an important experiment in social justice. The Jewish Industrial Army will be a voluntary institution, consisting of recruits who will have volunteered for service in a co-operative industrial army. All those who might conclude that their ability and energies are more productive in a competitive state of industry would, naturally, remain outside the army, and live as farmers, artisans and merchants upon Zion Commonwealth lands. Such an economic condition would give us an interplay between the competitive forces, with the stress upon individual initiative, and the co-operative forces in the Industrial Army, with the emphasis upon united action. By applying the co-operative program to a volunteer industrial army, and, at the same time, preserving individual initiative, as the indispensable element in our modern competitive system, we may construct two different paths—complimentary roads— leading to the coveted goal of political and industrial freedom—to the long-sought Social Commonwealth in Zion.
Such a co-operative industrial army may be utilized ultimately for the introduction of a better and nobler social system. Beginning with the principle of a minimum wage for its workers, and the division of the surplus profits among its members, it might make proper provision for old and retired workers, for pensions, for free medical service, and for all other features that together constitute a true co-operative commonwealth. But our co-operation must be the vol-