The Maccabaean

[A Letter from Palestine—Reprinted from the London "Zionist Review"]

THE imminence of a settlement of the political future of Palestine should bring into prominence certain local problems here, which have hitherto not received due consideration, at least from the casual Zionist. The most important of these is perhaps the attitude of the Arabs toward us. Popular opinion on this subject may be expressed thus: although the Arabs are far more numerous than the Jews in Palestine, the majority of them, the fellahin, are unconcerned with politics, and maintain fairly friendly relations with their Jewish neighbors; the minority of Effendis oppose Zionism because it threatens to prevent them from continuing to exploit the peasant. Such a summary is by no means adequate.

Since the Balfour Declaration was issued an incessant campaign has been waged in the Arabic press against "Zionist immigration" and for a "united Syria," i. e., a Syria including Palestine (which is termed "Southern Syria"). Though the seat of this propaganda is in Damascus, its influence has, of course, spread to Palestine, and signs have not been wanting of a hostile attitude on the part of local Arab leaders toward Zionist activities. The gullibility of the peasants and common people of Syria and Palestine is well known, and whatever be the motives of the promoters of anti-Zionist propaganda, it is bound to affect them. They are told, for instance, that the Zionists mean to deprive them of their land and make them slaves, or drive them forth from the country, and the fellah, whose knowledge of European or even local political events is of the scantiest, is very apt thus to become embittered against his new "enemy." The extent to which the agitation has been carried may be judged from the fact that one writer goes the length of asking his readers to imagine the "Jewish State" preventing pilgrims from Syria to Egypt from using the Hedjaz railway. Other equally absurd statements could be quoted, as that the English had given instructions that the financial year was to begin in April because that month—Nisan—was the first in the Hebrew calendar! In such propaganda there is neither rhyme nor reason, but the bitterness and energy with which it is spread are not lessened by our comments on that aspect of the attacks. We have to realize that whatever the cause—selfish or sincere—a certain section of Syrian Arabs is distinctly hostile to us, while among the Palestinian Arabs generally the seeds of suspicion have been sown, and they are at least potential antagonists. We shall probably be unable to conciliate the Damascus journalists, who are the mouthpiece of those demanding a united autonomous Syria, for our aims are directly opposed to such a claim; but we can and must adjust our relations with the Palestinian Arabs (in which term I include the far more numerous fellahin).

The most loyal Zionist may be pardoned for venturing the opinion that our official policy on this urgent and delicate subject is by no means clear. True, we have protested our friendship for our non-Jewish neighbors, and Dr. Weizmann, speaking in Jerusalem, insisted that we could not for a moment think of building our National Home without taking into consideration the Arabs who were already in the country. So much is generally agreed

among the serious rank and file of the Zionist movement; but the time has surely come to interpret that statement in terms of a particular policy that shall have relation to all factors in a situation not likely to improve by postponing its solution. That politically there will be no such thing as a minority of Jews ruling Palestine has now been made sufficiently clear, and we can do no more than emphasize that fact in reply to attacks made upon us on democratic grounds. But the more important problems of the economic and cultural relations between ourselves and our fellow-residents in Palestine remain to be dealt with. In a previous note I touched on the question of Arab labor for Jewish enterprises. I then indicated the uncompromising attitude of the organized Jewish laborer in Palestine, who demands that Hebrew labor only shall be used for all public and other works undertaken by the Zionist Organization. As he invariably adds the demand that all industrial as well as agricultural enterprise should be controlled, through nationalization of land, by the Zionist Organization, representing the Jewish people, this policy virtually amounts to a boycott of all Arab labor on Jewish works —a policy which obviously may have a serious reaction on the Palestinian fellah. Let us, however, leave aside discussion of the theoretical justification of such an attitude, and consider its practicability, which may have far more weight in any argument on the subject.

Recently a certain work was awarded to a contractor on the understanding that he would employ Jewish labor. The contractor sublet certain portions of the work—that requiring only unskilled labor—to other Jewish contractors. The latter proceeded to employ both Jewish and Arab workmen, and, a protest having been made, the matter was investigated, and it became evident that (1) those Jews who were in need of work found the hard labor required of them ioo heavy, (2) those who nevertheless accepted the work required higher wages than the Arab, and had to be subsidized by the Zionist Commission, since the contractor could not pay more money for less efhcient work, and (3) the theory that the Jewish laborer justifies his higher wage by his greater conscientiousness did not coincide with the facts. I do not suggest that this single instance is a suflicient basis for definite conclusions, but the work in question is only one of many which we hope to undertake, and actual experience is worth more than theories. It may be urged, of course, that we shall send into the country Jewish young men who will not only be prepared to wield spade and pickaxe, but will use them to greater advantage than the native non-Jew. I doubt this possibility. We cannot point today to any large number of Jews who live by hard unskilled labor; and the Arab, who is physically much stronger than the European, and has done such work for generations, will obviously be superior in this branch of work. In agricultural work, also, the Jewish workman excels only where skill is required. In the case to which I have referred certain skilled work was needed, for which Jewish workmen could not be found at all, and, despite his desire to keep the understanding on which he had accepted the work, the original