The Maccabaean

THIS has indeed been an eventful month. It began with a tragic occurrence that aroused sorrow and indignation among all the Jewish communities of the world, and it closed with a great historic event that has been greeted with boundless joy. The pogrom in Jerusalem was an outrage that nobody would have thought possible under British occupation, and yet but for that violent outburst of fanata- cism we might still be in the same position where we were a year ago. The vicious attack committed by the Arab mob upon the helpless Jews of Jerusalem was a clear sign of still greater dangers that might follow unless the political fate of Palestine were definitely settled without delay by the Peace Conference. It was that which forced the reluctant hands of the statesmen at San Remo. If Jewish blood had not been shed in the first week of April, Jewish hopes would not have been realized in the fourth week. Now that the Mandate for Palestine has been conferred upon Great Britain, and opportunity is afforded us of laying the foundations of our National Home, we may congratulate ourselves that the evil machinations that were at work to foil our age-old aspirations on the very eve of their fulfillment have been ignominiously and utterly defeated. The Great Historic Event Work of the Military Ad The above transcription was derived from image analysis and may contain errors beyond the scope of the original document. It is presented for informational purposes only and should not be considered a definitive rendition of the text. In cases of discrepancy, the original image should be consulted. Any interpretation of the content should be made with due regard to the potential for errors in transcription. We do not assume any liability for any consequences arising from the use of this transcription. We recommend independent verification of any critical information. We are not responsible for any damages or losses resulting from the use of this transcription. We do not guarantee the accuracy or completeness of the transcription. We do not endorse any particular use of the transcription. We do not provide any warranties, express or implied, regarding the transcription. We do not accept any responsibility for any errors or omissions in the transcription. We do not make any representations or warranties of any kind, express or implied, about the completeness, accuracy, reliability, suitability or availability with respect to the transcription or the information, products, services, or related graphics contained on the transcription for any purpose. Any reliance you place on such material is therefore strictly at your own risk. In no event will we be liable for any loss or damage including without limitation, indirect or consequential loss or damage, or any loss or damage whatsoever arising from loss of data or profits arising out of, or in connection with, the use of this transcription. Through this transcription you are able to link to other websites which are not under the control of us. We have no control over the nature, content and availability of those sites. The inclusion of any links does not necessarily imply a recommendation or endorse the views expressed within them. Every effort is made to keep the transcription up and running smoothly. However, we take no responsibility for, and will not be liable for, the transcription being temporarily unavailable due to technical issues beyond our control. The information is provided by us and while we endeavour to keep the information up to date and correct, we make no representations or warranties of any kind, express or implied, about the completeness, accuracy, reliability, suitability or availability with respect to the website or the information, products, services, or related graphics contained on the website for any purpose. Any reliance you place on such material is therefore strictly at your own risk. In no event will we be liable for any loss or damage including without limitation, indirect or consequential loss or damage, or any loss or damage whatsoever arising from loss of data or profits arising out of, or in connection with, the use of this website. Through this website you are able to link to other websites which are not under the control of us. We have no control over the nature, content and availability of those sites. The inclusion of any links does not necessarily imply a recommendation or endorse the views expressed within them. Every effort is made to keep the website up and running smoothly. However, we take no responsibility for, and will not be liable for, the website being temporarily unavailable due to technical issues beyond our control.

There was quite recently more than a groundless fear that the Balfour Declaration might have received a rather different interpretation from that which was resolved upon by the Peace Conference. It is idle to deny that there was a serious suggestion in certain quarters that the Mandate for Palestine should be given to Emir Feisal, or that the country should be included in a "United Arabian Kingdom," the rights of the Jewish minority to be safeguarded by Great Britain—by virtue of the Balfour Declaration! As a discussion had been going on for months between representatives of the Zionist Organization and of the British Foreign Office respecting the terms of a British Mandate, the mere insinuation that Feisal might be invested with sovereignty—however shadowy—over Palestine produced a rude shock that extended to the widest circles. Non-Jewish friends in the press world to whom I mentioned the matter would not credit it; they characterized such a possible interpretation of the British pledge as stark treachery. Fortunately, all our alarms have been dispelled, but it is well to realize why they should have been even possible. The temporary cloud on the Palestinian horizon was undoubtedly due to forces at work in Palestine itself. The Military Administration never sympathized with Zionist aims from the very start, partly, perhaps, because of prejudices with which the officers came into the country, partly because they never really understood what Zionism meant, and partly because their task was rendered easier by showing a preference for the majority of the population. It was thanks to this attitude of the Administration that the Arab agitation grew in strength and violence until it culminated into an organized outrage. There are some who say that the pogrom was permitted in order to afford a

The Great Historic Event at San Remo and the Work of the Military Administration in Palestine—The Credit that is due Lloyd George—General Bols Comments on San Remo Decision—How English Jewry Received the News—Our Correspondent Leaves on an Important Mission.

Special Correspondent of THE MACCABAEAN in London

proof that a Jewish Palestine would not be tolerated by the local population. Fortunately, the intrigue was scotched betimes.

If there is anybody to whom we owe in pre-eminent measure the San Remo decision in favor of a Jewish Palestine it is Mr. Lloyd George. But for his energy

and determination we might still be waiting. Mr. Balfour was the first British minister to appreciate the value and wisdom of the Zionist ideal, and but for his initial sympathy and friendly encouragement the memorable Declaration bearing his name might never have been issued. But it was undoubtedly owing to the driving power of the Prime Minister that, after such a protracted and painful delay, we owe the consummation of our desire. No means, of course, were left untried to bring pressure to bear both upon him and upon the Peace Conference in general. Mr. Balfour, who was at Cannes, and who could hardly have been wanted for any other question under discussion, went over to San Remo. Mr. Herbert Samuel, who was at Florence, on his way home from Palestine, also betook himself to the Peace Conference. Resolutions demanding a British mandate poured upon Mr. Lloyd George and his secretaries from all corners of the earth, not only from Zionist associations, but also from an organized group of Members of Parliament and from the leaders of the British Labor Party. The telegraph operators even complained that the Jewish messages blocked the line. The result has been a triumph, great and historic, for the zealous and systematic labors of Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow, aided so wisely and effectively by Mr. Justice Brandeis.

But the settlement of the Mandate does not constitute the end, but only the real beginning of our work. First of all, there are the terms of the Mandate itself, which have yet to be finally formulated and agreed upon. General Bols, the Chief Administrator of Palestine pro tem, in announcing the San Remo decision to representatives of the Jerusalem community, permitted himself a somewhat detailed interpretation which might well correspond with his private views. But he seems to have forgotten that the whole object of Great Britain in accepting the Mandate is not to put the brake upon progress but to facilitate the establishment of a Jewish Palestine by her best endeavors. The policy of General Bols has been to retain the status quo. He has done that very well, but his function is now at an end. As England has become the Mandatory Power, the military administration of the country must be exchanged at the earliest moment for a civil administration. If there were no other reason for demanding such a change, the pogrom in Jerusalem and the lamentable miscarriage of justice that followed it are more than sufficient. The barbarous sentence of fifteen years' penal servitude upon Jabotinsky for the crime of self-defense—a sentence whose iniquity stands condemned by the speedy reduction to one year's confinement in the second division—has aroused here considerable indignation, and the Government has been