The Maccabaean

only reasonable and safe way out from a very awkward dilemma. This is so clear that British statesmen might well repeat with regard to Zionism the words uttered by diplomats a century ago with regard to Austria: "If it did not exist, it would have to be invented."

It is possible that some day highly perfected super-Zeppelins in great numbers, capable of sailing rapidly straight from England to India, without landing on the road, carrying heavy loads, will render superfluous all other means and methods of communication by sea and by land. Till then, however, England is compelled to keep up an efficient watch on the Suez Canal. Here is Great Britain's burden in the Near East, and it is in no way a consequence of Zionism or connected with it. If the British taxpayer objects to this burden, there is only one alternative for him, he must insist upon the Government withdrawing its forces from the Suez Canal and giving up Egypt and very soon afterwards India, making room for rivals who would with enthusiasm undertake the responsibilities which the British taxpayer would have found too costly for him. If England is determined to retain India, she must as a logical consequence maintain her position in Egypt and all the intervening territories essential for the keeping open of the road to India.

But this is much more difficult when England watching on the Suez Canal, with an unreliable Egypt at its back, has to face a huge Arab realm inhabited and swayed by a united Arab nation of perhaps 30 or 35 millions seeking to establish political links with India, than when it is aided in its arduous and dangerous task by an absolutely trusty friend and ally who is not only ready, but eager to take its share, the greatest share, in the defense of the British position at the point of contact of Africa and Asia against virtual and actual enemies of England's world Empire.

We wish nothing better than to be this friend and ally and to load our own shoulders with the heaviest part of the burden represented by the Mandate over Palestine. But in order to be able to sustain its weight, we must be strong and unhampered in our movements. The appointment of the Right Honorable Herbert Samuel as High Commissioner for Palestine and the announced decision of introducing civil administration in the country, are proofs that the British

Government has at last broken with the deplorable method embodied in General Bols of Jerusalem pogrom and Jabotinsky sentence memory. But the supreme authority must avoid hesitations, tergiversations and half-heartedness, must have clear views and be consistent if its welcome and promising new attitude is to produce the full effect that may be confidently expected of it. The Jewish people must be convinced from the outset that the immense effort which it is prepared to make for the development of Palestine will have for its ultimate aim and outcome the organization of a solid, viable, indisputably Jewish state in the land of its fathers. Not the slightest doubt must be allowed to persist as to this result being foreseen and discounted with favor by the British Government. Such doubt would necessarily dishearten the Jewish people and paralyze its energy. We want to work with the utmost tension of our force for the building up of a strong Jewish state in provisionally British protected Palestine which is to act as a strong and sure sentinel at the Suez Canal. We will not be able to assume this function if the authorities flirt with the Arabs in Palestine and pretend to defend them against wrongs which no Jew in his senses thinks and has ever thought of causing them. We want no privileges, we want only justice. We are anxious to go in such numbers to Palestine as to form there the majority of the inhabitants without displacing one single present dweller of the soil. Once being the majority, we shall be entitled to claim the natural rights of a majority and there will be no room for reasonable complaints, objections or protests against our exercising equitably, thoughtfully, with moderation and measure, the lawful attributions of a maijoritv.

It must be made clear to the British taxpayer that the one sure means of relieving Great Britain of her burden in Palestine is to cease at once impeding Jewish mass immigration in the country and to allow us elbow room there. If we are permitted to organize a Jewish militia that earns its life with its handiwork, is drilled and armed and ready at the first call to draw up to the defense of the country, if Palestine is at once granted the right of establishing its budget and of paying its way by the normal means of taxation and state loans, Palestine need not cost the British taxpayer one penny, and the burden of Great Britain at that point will become featherlight.

I shall now come, saith the Lord,I shall now come, O my people.

I shall come as a word of comfort,As a counsel of consolation.

Not any more in thunders, not as a roaring of terror,Not any more in destruction, in hunger and plague.

Not with a blast of trumpets as a fanfare of triumph,Not with the noise and shoutings of strutting over a foe.

But I will come quietly, as a woman to her sick child,As the words of a friend, little by little.

And I will heal your wounds with the healing of peace,And lead you up to my mountain to prophesy, saiththe Lord. Jerusalem, December 4, 1919